Few issues have
fueled more transatlantic distrust than the ongoing dispute
between the European Union and the
United
States about data
privacy. Wharton management professor Stephen J. Kobrin probes
the often overlooked roots of the controversy in his report,
“The Trans-Atlantic Data Privacy Dispute, Territorial
Jurisdiction and Global Governance.”
The issue began
to heat up in 1998 when the European Commission’s Directive on
Data Protection went into effect. The Directive is an attempt
to protect the data privacy of Europeans regardless of where
their personal data is transferred and processed. But to be
effective, Kobrin notes, the Directive needed a “transnational
footprint”: It had to apply both inside
Europe and beyond
Europe’s borders. The
result was Article 25, which prohibits the transfer of
personally identifiable data from Europe to any third
country -- including the
United
States -- that does
not provide “adequate” protection, as defined by the European
Commission.
Because the
American approach to data protection is so fundamentally
different from the European approach, it soon became clear
that companies in Europe could be forced
by Article 25 to cut off the flow of European personal data to
their branches, affiliates or business partners in the
United
States. (In theory,
this would include U.S. companies based
in Europe.) However, both
sides recognized that cutting off transatlantic data flows
would have “catastrophic impacts,” Kobrin notes in his paper,
so the U.S. and the
European Commission developed a compromise solution, known as
the “Safe
Harbor”
program.
Unfortunately,
Safe
Harbor, which the
European Commission approved in 2000, “does not appear to be a
success,” Kobrin writes. As of last October, only 254
companies had enrolled in
Safe
Harbor, and only a few
of them were major multinationals. Why so few? “American
companies see no consequences for not signing up,” Kobrin
explains. As his report makes clear,
“Safe
Harbor is neither a
treaty nor an international agreement but rather two
unilateral actions” -- principles issued by the
U.S., and an Article
by the European Commission accepting them. That makes
Safe
Harbor an entirely
voluntary program for
U.S.
companies.
More
fundamentally, Safe
Harbor is a compromise
that satisfies neither Americans nor Europeans. As Kobrin
writes, “Both Europeans and Americans find themselves subject
to data protection regimes that are not of their making and to
which they resist complying." He warns that it is still “not
impossible” that data flows between the
U.S. and
Europe will one day be
constrained -- if not entirely cut off. “If this issue
festers, you could see a constraint in data flows.”
The
Transatlantic Cultural Rift
Why has the data
privacy issue resisted Safe
Harbor and other
efforts at a compromise solution? Finding an answer to that
question was a fundamental goal of Kobrin’s research, which
looked into a range of documents and reports about data
privacy. Even Kobrin, who has done extensive research into
issues of privacy and global governance, was surprised to
learn that the roots of the rift between
Europe and the
United
States involve
profound cultural contrasts. The two sides are divided not by
tactical or strategic considerations but by fundamental
differences about the role of government and the meaning of
privacy. “It is not just a difference in law,” says Kobrin,
“It is also a difference in values. For me, two areas of
personal interest -- privacy and global governance -- came
together in studying this issue.”
If
Europe and the
United
States are to find
common ground on data privacy, these deep-seated value
differences will “have to be reconciled,” says Kobrin. In his
report, he clarifies the origins of these differences by
noting that “data privacy is never considered in a vacuum, but
rather in a specific social, political, economic, cultural and
historical context …There is considerable cross-border
variation in data privacy norms, whether information privacy
is considered a basic human right or a property right, for
example. These norms, in turn, affect what fair information principles actually
mean in practice.”
Kobrin’s report
spells out the “very different data privacy norms” that exist
in the United
States and
Europe. In the
United
States, for example,
“rights are generally … seen as rights against the government.
Thus, the U.S. approach to
data privacy reflects a basic distrust of government.” Markets
and self-regulation, not law, shape information privacy. Laws
are “reactive and issue-specific” and protection tends to be
“tort-based” and “market-oriented,” not political. Privacy is
“an alienable commodity subject to the
market.”
In contrast, the
European approach to privacy “puts the burden of protection on
society rather than the individual.” Privacy is considered to
be inalienable and a “fundamental human right,” as Kobrin’s
paper notes. The result of this approach is the creation of
“explicit statutes accompanied by regulatory agencies to
oversee [their] enforcement.”
What’s at stake
in Europe are the “rights
of citizens” or “data subjects,” not the rights of consumers
or business customers. Another way to view the contrast: In
the U.S., privacy is “a right that inheres in the individual”
-- and can be traded for some benefit, Kobrin writes. For example, many
customers gladly give away personal data in return for product
discounts, customized services, etc. In
Europe, however,
privacy protection “is an obligation of the state towards its
citizens,” to quote the words of David L. Aaron, the Under
Secretary of Commerce for International Trade who negotiated
the Safe
Harbor agreement on
behalf of the United
States. Because of the
European mindset outlined in Kobrin’s report, Europeans resist
the American notion that privacy can be bargained away in
return for a benefit.
Understanding
the divergence in cultural values makes it easier to
comprehend the failure of
Safe
Harbor, which was
supposed to accommodate both sides without addressing the gap
in cultural norms. As Kobrin says,
“Safe
Harbor is a poor
compromise; an attempt to meet the European Union’s
requirement of “adequate” data protection without shifting
away form American reliance on the market and
self-regulation.”
While headlines
about data privacy often focus on the individually
identifiable electronic data that marketers collect online
from Internet users, Kobrin takes a much broader approach to
the issue. “It’s not just about e-commerce, it’s about [an]
age when everything we do is recorded digitally.” It is an
issue that affects every integrated multinational company as
well as every individual who crosses borders to buy and/or
sell -- leaving data to be transferred in his or her wake.
As Kobrin
emphasizes, every company that does business abroad must
transfer vast amounts of name-linked data across borders; not
only data about its customers but data such as personnel
records, medical histories, credit-card payments, etc. “Every
time you use an ATM in Europe,” he says, “you access a
database” that extends across borders, and challenges
traditional notions of territoriality.
Privacy and
Security: A New Convergence
Although the
data privacy issue was placed on most back burners after the
September 11,
2001 terrorist
attacks, the gulf that separates the issue of data privacy
from the security issue seems to be narrowing, as
investigators in the global war against terrorism collect more
and more personal data across national borders. In mid-February, for
example, the privacy of personal data that European airlines
collect about their passengers became an issue in the American
campaign against terrorism. Until a last-minute
agreement was hammered out in late February, European airlines
faced the prospect of heavy fines from the
U.S. government if
they failed to comply with data collection requirements of
Washington’s
anti-terrorist efforts. The
United
States was demanding
access to personal information on the reservation records of
all transatlantic carriers, including European carriers whose
data privacy rules reflect a very different set of values.
Predictably, the European Commission contended that divulging
personal data about airline passengers to the
United
States would be a
violation of European Union data privacy rules.
Under the terms
of the compromise agreement, the EU agreed that data about
passengers could be provided. However, Kobrin calls
this an “expedient agreement” that is “not really
cooperative.” He
notes that passengers on European airlines will still have to
agree to have their data provided to
U.S. authorities,
and “they can still be subject to lengthy delays” if the data
is not provided. More fundamentally, Kobrin argues, “you can’t
deal with this issue on a case-by-case basis.”
The
psychological impact of 9-11 may have hardened the
U.S. approach, says
Kobrin. “There is [always] a trade off between the right to
privacy versus the need to fight terror. [However,] after
9-11, many Americans seem willing to give up more of their
privacy in return for greater security.”
Towards a
Cultural Accommodation
How can
executives prepare for the possibility that data flows will
one day be constrained, if not cut off? According to Kobrin,
executives at integrated multinational companies should
realize that “there is some risk that the flow of personal
data can be interrupted, unless we reach an agreement.” As a
result, “I would want someone in my company to study this
issue. And I would want to put pressure on the European Union
and the U.S. government and
the OECD to work out a cooperative
agreement.”
Kobrin
argues that “we need a multilateral, collective approach to
deal with the data privacy problem. Governments must sit down
with the private sector and civil society groups, and work out
a system that includes some minimal set of rules and
principles acceptable to both sides. We have to arrive at some
common ground.” Building awareness of the fundamental
differences in values that separate the two sides, he adds, is
a critical part of the process.